For a Central Asian version of CSCE Conference
There was recently an international conference (track two) in Tashkent, Uzbekistan. The theme was security in Central Asia with the focal point on Afghanistan.
It was a usual "exchange of views", but four points below were noteworthy:
①Uzbek President Karimov's proposal to form a new forum 6+3 was widely discussed.
Before there was 6+2 to discuss the situation in Afghanistan (with 5 Central Asian republics, America, China and Russia. Please note that except for America and Russia the other 6 border on Afghanistan).
Now in view of the reality President Karimov proposes to include the NATO to make it "6+3”。
Russia did not express any objection to this, though on the Western front it is confronting the NATO in many issues.
②The "West" is now ready to engage Uzbekistan, the relations with which had cooled down after the Andijan incident May 2005. This conference was funded by USAID and an American NGO Institute for New Democracies.
③Uzbek foreign policy has become more balanced. They stopped to let its diplomacy hinge upon only one partner: either Russia or the USA.. It has learned to use the services of various countries to solve their needs in a pragmatic manner.
④The advance of the Taliban is the only real security issue for Central Asian countries. But as Russia does not want to send its troops to Afghanistan, they have to rely upon the NATO's activity. Russia cannot oppose it.
The discussion during the conference was lively and frank. And I made the following presentation, proposing to convene a Central Asian version of the Helsinki meeting in 1975. This proposal is based on my own view and does not represent the official position.
Japan’s call for a Central Asian version of CSCE
---The platform “Central Asia plus Japan” and Japan’s role in stabilization of Afghanistan
April 2008
Akio Kawato
In a sheer contrast to the general understanding Japan today can send its troops abroad---, but only in limited cases. The International Peace Cooperation Law adopted in 1992, effectively changing the interpretation of the Constitution, stipulated that Japan could send its Self-Defense Forces abroad for UN related activities, though they are not allowed to use weapons other than for self-defense purposes.
Thus, the planes of Japanese Air Self-Defense Force provide transportation to the personnel and goods of the UN and the multi-national forces in Iraq. The vessels of the Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force provide fuel to foreign military ships, which are conducting warfare against terrorists in Afghanistan.
In reconstruction of Afghanistan Japan’s role is indispensable. It held the First International Conference on Reconstruction Assistance to Afghanistan in 2002, took initiative of the demilitarization of the warlords of Afghanistan and rebuilt highways, schools and other social infrastructure. Japan has already spent 1.38 billion dollars for these purposes.
In January 2007 Japan’s prime minister at that time, Mr. Abe, made a rare official visit to the NATO headquarters in Brussels, proposing a closer cooperation between Japan and the NATO. Among others he promised to allocate about 20 million dollars for economic and social projects related to ISAF’s PRT (Provincial Reconstruction Teams) operation in Afghanistan. Within this framework Japan has constructed schools, developed teachers’ skills, launched vocational training centers and several other social objects.
Japan fully understands the importance of Afghanistan’s stabilization for Uzbekistan and other Central Asian countries, it respects their initiatives and wishes, and it hopes that Japan’s efforts in Afghanistan, though they are not military, will make contribution to establishment of peace and stability in this part of the world.
In Iraq Japan’s role is even bigger. From 2003 to 2006 about 600 ground troops of the Japanese Self-Defense Forces were stationed in Samara As I have already said, the Air Self-Defense Force still remains in Iraq, providing logistic support to the UN and the multinational forces. The Japanese Government promises to spend 5 billion dollars in grants and loans for reconstruction of Iraq.
In Central Asia what we need is not warfare but a diplomacy which would prevent conflicts, and Japan’s capacity is most suited for this objective. Japan, for example, has built a fair range of social and economic infrastructure in Central Asia. New telephone line network with optical fibers, new vocational schools, a factory to repair railway wagons, modernization of local airports, and a new railway which greatly eases access to Afghanistan and which in future will provide a new exit to the Indian Ocean. The Asian Development Bank, in which Japan is the largest contributor along with the USA, has started construction of highways in the region.
These projects will stimulate economic activity and elevate the standard of people’s life; the best way to maintain stability and to prevent conflicts.
As the best means to promote independence and stability in Central Asia, Japan calls for more solidarity among countries in this part of the world. In September of 2004, shortly before my departure as Ambassador in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, Japan established a new platform of dialogue “Central Asia plus Japan”.
Japanese Foreign Minister at that time Ms. Kawaguchi visited four of the five Central Asian countries and had the first joint ministerial meeting in Astana. The second joint meeting of the ministers of foreign affairs was held in Tokyo in June 2006 with participation of the Foreign Minister of Afghanistan.
Today I am happy to notice that big powers like EU have also launched a similar platform “Central Asia plus EU”. By talking to the Central Asian countries as one coordinated and loosely-united body, we can enhance an independent international status of Central Asia. When a number of countries share an institution to speak in one voice, their diplomatic capacity will be augmented by number of times; good examples are the EU and the ASEAN.
Japan does not possess any political ambition in Central Asia. It can only help Central Asian countries to secure their independence and economic development. It means that the interests of Japan and Central Asian countries totally coincide.
As many powers have already established platforms “Central Asia plus some country”, it may be an opportune time to hold a joint meeting of these separate forums, creating a Central Asian version of CSCE, which will ensure the maintenance of the status quo in the region, define approaches on how to modernize economy and society and confirm the commitment to realize stability and reconstruction of Afghanistan.
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